Posted on 12/11/2002 by Juan
The trial of suspected al-Qaeda member Mounir El Motassadeq for having been part of the Hamburg cell that planned and carried out September 11, now being held in Germany, may be transferred to the United States. This move is contemplated because it would allow prosecutors to call to the stand Ahmad Ressam, now in Federal penitentiary in Washington state for his role in the “Millennium Plot” to blow up the Los Angeles Airport in 2000.
Ressam has shown increasing remorse for his actions since September 11, especially as it finally dawned on him that he was in prison for life. My guess is that he, an Algerian, has information about El Motassadeq (a Moroccan) that would ensure the latter’s conviction. Maybe in return he’ll become eligible for parole at some distant point in the future. The change of venue may also be necessary because the German defense team has filed a motion to dismiss on the grounds that they have been denied access to a key witness, Ramzi Binalshibh, who was arrested in Pakistan last summer and also played a key role in the Hamburg cell.
In the meantime, an FBI agent testified at the trial that Muhammad Atta and Marwan al-Shehhi received as much as $200,000 from sources in the Persian Gulf in the months before September 11. Atta sent a large sum back to the UAE shortly before that date. El Motassadeq had signing authority over al-Shehhi’s bank account.
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Posted on 12/10/2002 by Juan
A summit has been set up between Pakistan, Afghanistan and Turkmenistan for the initialling of a deal to build a $3.2 bn. pipeline from Turkmenistan down to South Asia. It is scheduled for Dec. 26-27 in the Turkmenistan capital of Ashkabad (Ashgebot). The pipeline would stretch from Turkmenistan across Afghanistan to Gwadar, and will be funded in part by the World Bank. Afghanistan President Hamid Karzai will be there but it is unclear who will represent Pakistan.
India in particular is an emerging market for this gas, and Pakistan has already waived any objections to the pipeline going over to India, as well. Afghanistan and Pakistan would collect substantial tolls on the gas, and desperately poor Turkmenistan would get some much needed income.
Dawn reports that “The project has seven stages including feasibility, survey, design and engineering, construction, commissioning, operation and maintenance and installation of gas processing plant in Gwadar.”
The obstacles to this pipeline plan are formidable. There has been heavy fighting for months around Shindand between Herat warlord Ismail Khan’s forces and those of a rival. Gas pipelines are especially vulnerable to terrorism and sabotage, in which the Taliban and al-Qaeda specialized. Given that the US has not yet provided order to Afghanistan and that fair numbers of Taliban and al-Qaeda are still in the country, it seems to many observers that this pipeline project is no more than a pipe dream.
Certainly, Afghanistan will need a lot more order and security before it will become feasible, and achieving that goal seems to me at least a decade or perhaps more into the future.
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Posted on 12/09/2002 by Juan
The more the Kuwaiti government thinks about it the less it likes the speech Saddam Hussein gave the day before yesterday. All though it appeared to contain an grudging apology for the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, it also contained lots of other, more sinister language.
The Kuwaiti officials now read it as a series of threats against them, and they have therefore sent a memo of protest to the United Nations. They see it as accusing them of treason against the Arab world for hosting US troops, and they read it as a threat against Westerners in Kuwait.
They also worry that it was meant to create a division between the Kuwaiti people (many of whom, while they despise Saddam, are uneasy about cooperating in an attack on a fellow Arab country launched unilaterally by the US, a Western power). As a result, the Kuwaitis are setting up popular demonstrations against Saddam’s letter. Even the Islamic party will join in this endeavor (since Saddam is a secular nationalist, they have reason to despise him, but surely are also torn by their dislike of the US and any projection of its power in the region.
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Posted on 12/05/2002 by Juan
Stinger shoulder-launched missiles are being sold in the bazaars of Kabul for $200,000 according to foreign observers in that city. The geniuses in the Reagan administration (who we now have with us at the top of the government, like Paul Wolfowitz) gave Islamic extremists about 400 stingers in the 1980s to use against Soviet helicopter gunships.
While this move may have been brilliant militarily, it was highly problematic with regard to long-term U.S. security. These deadly weapons have floated around arms markets ever since. Kuwait bought a fair number before 1990, so presumably some of those were confiscated by the Iraqis when they invaded. That’s what we needed, Saddam with stingers. (Though it is not as if the original warlord recipients of this Reagan largesse were much better).
The recent use of old Soviet SA-7s by al-Qaeda terrorists to attempt to shoot down a US fighter jet in Saudi Arabia (last winter) and now an Israeli airliner taking off from Mombasa reminds us of how absolutely devastating those weapons could be in the wrong hands.
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Posted on 12/04/2002 by Juan
Saad Eddin Ibrahim has been freed from prison by an Egyptian appeals court, which nullified his earlier sentence of seven years of hard labor. But, it ordered a retrial rather than simply freeing him. (He was out for `Id al-Fitr, the holiday marking the end of the fasting month of Ramadan). A human rights activist, Saad has been an inspiration to us all. President Bush had complained about his treatment in a letter to Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, which is something of a milestone in the evolution of US-Egyptian relations. The reaction of prickly Egyptian parliamentarians was that they would not accept foreign meddling. One thing they did not seem to grasp was the in a globalizing world we are all open to influences from abroad. The European Union puts pressure in various ways on the US to abolish the death penalty, e.g. The other is that a gross injustice had been done, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights had been violated. As a member of the UN, Egypt is signatory to covenants enshrining freedom of speech, and so was in violation of its own law. Why should other UN members not say so?
The thing that worries me is the prospect of another trial. Saad’s health is not good, and he may not be able to take it. I think the notion of a retrial is a broad hint to him to leave Egypt and go abroad, but so far he has been too stubborn and principled to take such hints. For all we know he will be convicted again in the new trial. It reminds me of the ending of the Bonfire of the Vanities, where the protagonist had become a perpetual defendant even though he had never been shown to have committed an actionable crime. On the other hand, his poor health may be a cause for the courts not to go forward with the retrial. Let us hope they have this sense and decency.
The defense demonstrated that the Ibn Khaldun Center had not illegally received donations from abroad, since the funding from the European Union had been awarded as a sort of contract, and had not consisted of donations in the legal sense at all. Likewise they demonstrated that the military court had misconstrued the law forbidding the besmirching of Egypt’s honor. (This is a ridiculous law to have on the books in any case. A country, the honor of which is so fragile that it needs such a law has already lost its reputation; and jailing its foremost thinkers is calculated to strip it of any honor it has left.)
Congratulations to Saad for this great victory, and let us all hope Egypt has taken a step toward becoming a more humane and democratic society.
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Posted on 12/03/2002 by Juan
Saad Eddin Ibrahim’s case will be decided today by the appeals court, which can set aside or confirm his sentence of seven years of hard labor. If the appeal is turned down and Saad Eddin serves that sentence, there is some question about whether his health will collapse altogether long before he is released. Hosni Mubarak will then be guilty of judicial murder, and I don’t think he realizes how little the world community and those of us concerned with human rights will forgive him for it.
Saad Eddin, a professor of sociology at the American University in Cairo, was railroaded from beginning to end, and is basically in jail for helping peasants learn how to vote intelligently and for criticizing Hosni’s plan of turning the country over to his son in a dynastic manner. I studied with Saad Eddin, and have long admired him. If this is what happens to people who work peacefully for democracy and human rights, Mubarak is only inviting the extremists into the arena. The wind is blowing against authoritarian military regimes in the Middle East, and Egypt’s ruling elite should stop being so complacent. Giving Saad Eddin his liberty would be a first step in the sort of reforms that might save their necks.
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Posted on 12/02/2002 by Juan
It’s “Not Back to School” for Palestinian Children
Children continue to be among the chief victims of the continuing conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians. Although it is natural to concentrate on the toll in lives taken by the struggle, among its biggest impacts have been psychological and educational.
Over a million and a half Palestinian children live under harsh Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza. Months into the school year, most still cannot move about freely or attend school. Over a fifth of them are acutely or chronically malnourished, in large part as a result of the Israeli lockdown. UNICEF estimated last summer that 317,000 Palestinian children were in “desperate need of assistance due to financial hardship.”
All this is not to deny the real impact of violence. In the past two years, about 250 Palestinian children and 72 Israeli children have been killed in the conflict, according to Amnesty International. Literally thousands more have been traumatized by the direct experience of violence and by the loss of loved ones.
Palestinian suicide bombers have in some cases clearly chosen targets, such as dance clubs or pizzerias, where they knew many of their Israeli victims would be children. For their part, the Israeli armed forces have begun throwing caution to the wind in their pursuit of Palestinian fighters, injuring many civilians, and have responded with excessive force to the rock-throwing of protesting children.
UNICEF special representative to the Occupied Territories, Pierre Poupard, is worried about another dimension of the conflict. He says that, in contravention of international law, “a generation of Palestinian children is being denied its right to an education.” His organization recently estimated that over 226,000 children and more than 9,300 teachers cannot get to their regular classrooms.
Under the tight Israeli curfew, about 580 schools have been closed. The United Nations noted last summer that “Checkpoints, closures and curfews severely impede access to medical care, education and employment.”
In the first week of October, Palestinian children in Nablus defied the 24-hour curfew imposed by the Israelis last summer to go to school. They risked life and limb to do so. Just before they opened their schools, a 12-year-old boy was critically wounded when Israeli troops opened fire at a taxi-driver who was driving around when he should not have been. A 15-year-old boy was shot dead October 4 in a similar incident.
Curfews have long formed a key part of the repertoire of colonial states attempting to keep local populations under control. Curfews, checkpoints and restrictions on movement were routinely employed by the South African government in application of its racist Apartheid policies. Rhodesia imposed two major curfews in the early 1980s, in its attempt to continue to monopolize the country’s wealth and resources for a small class of white colonialists. Ominously, these curfews served to prevent news from leaking out, of massacres of local populations. Although Israeli policies within Israel are largely democratic, its behavior in the West Bank and Gaza is increasingly that of a colonial power.
Israeli incursions, as at Khan Yunis on October 6, which killed 13 Palestinian civilians, including four children, have been on a much smaller scale and come in response to acts of terrorism. But Israel has violated the Fourth Geneva Convention on the treatment of civilians in occupied territories, as well as the United Nations convention on the rights of the child.
Strict Israeli control of media reporting from the Occupied Territories has had the effect of keeping the full horror of life under curfew from public awareness in the West. It is not hidden to Arabs and Muslims, however. The Kuwaiti men who shot American marines there in October gave as one reason for their rage the loss of innocent life in the Israeli attack at Khan Yunis.
Israel has the right to defend itself from terrorists, by police work. But collective punishment of a whole people, especially of innocent children, is wrong. Can anyone imagine the outcry if the British government had attempted to place the entire Irish population under such a curfew because of terrorist attacks in Belfast?
Now that the Labor Party in Israel has ended its national unity coalition with the far rightwing Likud, its leaders should make every effort to end the policy of military re-occupation and harsh curfews.
Israel cannot hope to win peace by such policies nor by fostering ignorance and poverty in the next generation of its Palestinian neighbors. Nor can the United States government hope to achieve important diplomatic goals in the region if it continues to treat the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with benign neglect.
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