contributors – Informed Comment

Over 1,500 North American Academics Condemn Scholasticide in Gaza

contributors — Wed, 10 Apr 2024 04:08:46 +0000

NEWS RELEASE

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

8 APRIL 2024

Contact: academicsvsscholasticide@gmail.com

Faisal Bhabha, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

Heidi Matthews, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

Stephen Rosenbaum, UC Berkeley School of Law

Over 1,500 North American Academics Condemn Scholasticide in Gaza

Over 1,500 academics based at more than 270 higher education institutions in the United States, Canada and Mexico have signed an Open Letter condemning Israel’s systematic attacks on educational life in Gaza, to mourn these losses and to stand in solidarity with their Palestinian colleagues and students.

The signatories to the Open Letter denounce Israel’s indiscriminate bombing campaign and ground invasion of Gaza, which has resulted in mass civilian death, injury and widespread devastation for 2.3 million Palestinians. The signatories also deplore the attacks of 7 October 2023 by Hamas and other armed groups.

The right to education is an internationally protected human right enshrined in multiple human rights instruments to which Israel is a party. Scholasticide is the intentional and systematic destruction of educational infrastructure, educators and students. On 4 April 2024, the NBC News report “Class destroyed: The rise and ruin of Gaza’s revered universities” details how “universities across Gaza have been leveled.”

Whereas education had been a source of hope for Palestinians living under the nearly 57-year-long Israeli occupation of Gaza, today we are witnessing the destruction of educated futures on an unprecedented scale.

The Open Letter describes how the scholasticide is being carried out in violation of international human rights, humanitarian and criminal law. The signatories write :

“Denying access to education through the widespread and systematic destruction of educational infrastructure, along with deliberate and indiscriminate killing of educators and students, is an essential attribute of the collective punishment Israel is inflicting on Palestinians in Gaza”.

The Open Letter calls attention to the fact that all 12 universities in Gaza have been destroyed or damaged and thousands of university faculty, staff and students have been killed or injured.

To date, Israel’s attacks have also killed nearly 6,000 school-aged children with another 10,000 wounded. As of January 2024, more than three-quarters of school buildings in Gaza had been damaged.

The signatories call for academic institutions and scholars around the world to join them in condemning Israel’s attacks on educational futures in Gaza, insofar as “[s]cholasticide facilitates the physical and cultural erasure of the Palestinian people and is integral to rendering the Gaza Strip uninhabitable.”

Al Jazeera English Video added by Informed Comment: “Israel’s war is depriving Gaza’s students of an education | Al Jazeera Newsfeed ”

The Open Letter makes seven calls to action:

An immediate and permanent ceasefire and immediate and unconditional release of all hostages;
Israel’s compliance with the provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice;
An end to Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip and its occupation, so that the educational sector can be rebuilt;
Full access of United Nations agencies to the Occupied Palestinian Territories to carry out independent monitoring, investigation, and humanitarian coordination;
All States that have suspended funding to UNRWA – the UN agency which runs many of the Strip’s now closed elementary and secondary schools – to immediately resume funding;
North American universities, governments, NGOs and individual academics to support the reconstruction of educational institutions in Gaza, through financial and in-kind contributions; and
State and individual accountability under domestic and international law mechanisms.

The Open Letter remains open for signature by any academic affiliated with a postsecondary institution in North America.

The Open Letter can be accessed and signed at https://forms.gle/m2c1UpLVXMHuJ3sA8.

Hebrew U. lifts Suspension of Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian after Palestinian-Israeli Scholars called for her Reinstatement

contributors — Thu, 28 Mar 2024 04:02:40 +0000

NB:

Hebrew University made this announcement on Wednesday, reinstating Professor Shalhoub-Kevorkian:

In a meeting held today between the Rector of the Hebrew University, Prof. Tamir Sheafer, and Prof. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Prof. Shalhoub-Kevorkian clarified that as a critical feminist researcher, she believes all victims and does not doubt their words, and that she did not deny the fact that on 7.10 there were cases of rape in the South. After this clarification, the Hebrew University will allow Prof. Shalhoub-Kevorkian to continue teaching at the School of Social Work and Social Welfare.

Prof. Sheafer stressed that the Hebrew University strongly condemns inciting words and threats against students, lecturers, individuals and groups, and calls on all members of the University community to maintain a safe and respectful study and research environment.

Before this announcement the following letter had been sent:

Prof. Asher Cohen, President
Prof. Tamir Sheafer, Rector
Prof. Asher Ben-Arieh, Dean
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
24 March 2024
Dear President Cohen, Rector Sheafer, and Dean Ben-Arieh,

Prof. Asher Cohen, President Prof. Tamir Sheafer, Rector Prof. Asher Ben-Arieh, Dean The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 24 March 2024

Dear President Cohen, Rector Sheafer, and Dean Ben-Arieh,

We, the undersigned Palestinian faculty (current and former) at Israeli institutions of higher education, find your recent suspension of our dear colleague, Professor Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, highly alarming and disturbing. Your decision does not only amount to an assault on her personally, and on her internationally esteemed scholarship, but also on all members of the academic community in Israel who aim to think freely, unrestricted by state agendas and ideologies.

Universities must aim to uphold the universality of knowledge, and this requires an unwavering commitment to liberty, equality, and justice. Academic institutions must provide open and safe spaces for the free and equal exchange of ideas and evaluate them according to merit as established within the rigors of academic disciplines. Scholarly discussions can only be fruitful and meaningful within these conditions.

Regrettably, your letter of 12 March 2024 addressed to and about Professor Shalhoub-Kevorkian, as well as other prior public announcements, show that Hebrew University, under your leadership, is failing to adhere to these fundamental academic principles. You would do well to recall Hannah Arendt’s observation that when pervasive thoughtlessness runs rampant, immoral acts become the norm.

Your decision serves to censure Professor Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s voice, along with the voices of other scholars and students who legitimately and rightfully question Israel’s policies and actions. Such critical voices participate in important conversations with academics, legal experts, humanitarian organizations, and NGOs around the world. As a world-renowned expert on state crimes and genocide, Professor Shalhoub-Kevorkian holds particular legitimacy in expressing her researched opinions. Your decision to suspend Professor Shalhoub- Kevorkian sets a dangerous precedent, perilously undermining academic freedom at your institution, and potentially at other institutions as well – signaling a warning to those who might dare to speak against the state.

Instead of fulfilling your duty to protect Professor Shalhoub-Kervorkian’s academic freedom, you are encouraging voices that support the Israeli state in its massive assault on tens of thousands of civilians. Your statements and actions work to further inflame tensions at a time when hate speech of vocal professors and students at Israeli universities, including at yours, is escalating and ultimately escaping sanction. Dissenters and Palestinians are the members of the university community whose safety, and whose right to speak freely, requires your vigilant defense today.

We, the undersigned, request that you publicly withdraw your statements regarding Professor Shalhoub- Kevorkian, and that you work to ensure a safe space for students and faculty at the Hebrew University. Such a step would send an important message to the international academic community that universities must preserve academic freedom first and foremost.

Sincerely,

Michael Karayanni The Hebrew University of Jerusalem ميخائيل كرين 1.
Asʻad Ganim University of Haifa أسعد غانم 2.
Ahmad H. Sa’di Ben Gurion University of the Negev أحمد سعدي 3.
Manal Totry-Jubran Bar-Ilan University منال توتري-جبر ان 4.
Jeries Khoury Tel Aviv University جريس خوري 5.
Sarab Abu-Rabia-Queder Ben Gurion University of the Negev رساب أبو ربيعة 6.
Nidaa Khoury Ben Gurion University of the Negev نداء خوري 7.
Marwan Dwairy Oranim College of Education مروان دويري 8.
Maurice Ebileeni University of Haifa موريس عبلّين 9.
Raif Zreik The Van Leer Jerusalem Institute رائف زريق 10.
Ameed Saabneh University of Haifa عميد صعابنة 11.
Honaida Ghanim Independent هنيدة غانم 12.
Nadeem Karkabi University of Haifa ر كننديم كر 13.
Jihad El-Sana Ben Gurion University of the Negev جهاد الصّانع 14.
Samer Swaid University College London سامر سويد 15.
Fadia Nasser Tel Aviv University فادية ناص 16.
A’as Atrash Independent عاص أطرش 17.
Amira Daher Zefat Academic College أمبر ة ضاهر 18.
Rawia Aburabia Sapir Academic College راوية أبو ربيعة 19.
Ahmad Igbaria Tel Aviv University أحمد إغبارية 20.
Arin Salamah-Qudsi University of Haifa عرين سالمة-قدس 21.
Manar Makhoul Tel Aviv University منار مخّول 22.
Salwa Nakkara University of Haifa سلوى نقارة 23.
Maha Sabbah-Karkabi Ben Gurion University of the Negev مها صبّاح-ركنكر 24.
Abeer Otman The Hebrew University of Jerusalem عثمان ر عبب 25.
Adeem Massarwa Ben Gurion University of the Negev أديم مصاروة 26.
Faisal Azaiza University of Haifa فيصل عزايزة 27.
Ramzi Sulieman University of Haifa رمزي سليمان 28.
Nadim Rouhana Tufts University نديم روحانا 29.
Ahmad Abu Akel University of Haifa أحمد أبو عقل 30.
Rassem Khamaisi University of Haifa راسم خمايس 31.
Bashir Bashir The Open University of Israel ر بشب ر بشب 32.
Mohammad Massalha The Open University of Israel محمد مصالحة 33.
Fuad Iraqi Tel Aviv University فؤاد عراق 34.
Heba Yazbak The Open University of Israel هبة يزبك 35.
Wael Abu-’Uksa The Hebrew University of Jerusalem وائل أبو-عقصة 36.
Taghreed Yahia-Younis Tel Aviv University ر تغريد يحن-يونس 37.
Suleiman Abu-Bader Ben Gurion University of the Negev سليمان أبو بدر 38.
Suheir Abu Oksa Daoud Coastal Carolina University أبو عقصة داود ر سهب 39.
Sarah Abu-Kaf Ben Gurion University of the Negev كف سارة أبو 40.
Mansour Nasasra Ben Gurion University of the Negev منصور نصاصة 41.
Hisham Jubran Beit Berl College هشام جبر ان 42.
Nihaya Daoud Ben Gurion University of the Negev نهاية داوود 43.
Rami Aqeilan The Hebrew University of Jerusalem رام عقيالن 44.
Abdalla Mashall Ben Gurion University of the Negev عبد هللا مشال 45.
Edriss Titi Weizmann Institute of Science إدريس تين 46.
Johnny Mansour Beit Berl College جون منصور 47.
Manal Gabour Beit Berl College منال جبّور 48.
Khalid Ghanayim University of Haifa خالد غنايم 49.
Ahmad Natour The Hebrew University of Jerusalem أحمد الناطور 50.
Yousef Jabareen Tel-Hai Academic College يوسف جبارين 51.
Ibrahim Geries University of Haifa إبراهيم جريس 52.
Ibrahim Taha University of Haifa إبراهيم طه 53.
Hassan Khalilih University of Haifa حسن خليلية 54.
Mahmoud Yazbak University of Haifa محمود يزبك 55.
Tawfiq Da’adli The Hebrew University of Jerusalem توفيق دعادلة 56.
Adel Manna The Hebrew University of Jerusalem عادل منّاع 57.
Areen Hawari The Hebrew University of Jerusalem عرين هواري 58.
Ula Aweida The Hebrew University of Jerusalem عال عويضة 59.
Muhammad Haj-Yahia The Hebrew University of Jerusalem ر محمد حاج يحن 60.
Muhammad Al-Atawneh Ben Gurion University of the Negev محمد العطاونة 61.
Abed El Qadir Kanaaneh Tel Aviv University كناعنة عبد 62.
Muzna Awayed-Bishara Tel Aviv University مزنة عويد-بشارة 63.
Issam Aburaya Seton Hall University عصام أبو ريا 64.
Zahiye Kundos Independent زهية قندس 65.
Nabih Bashir Independent ر نبيه بشب 66.
Muhammad Amara Beit Berl College محمد أمارة 67.
Elinor Saiegh-Haddad Bar-Ilan University اليانور صايغ-حداد 68.
Khawla Abu-Baker Al-Qasemi Academic College of Education خولة أبو بكر 69.
Aida Fahmawi-Watad Al-Qasemi Academic College of Education عايدة فحماوي-وتد 70.
Maram Masarwa Al-Qasemi Academic College of Education مرام مصاروة 71.
Hanna Bishara Tel Aviv University حنا بشارة 72.
Raja Giryes Tel Aviv University رجا جريس 73.
Ayman Agbaria University of Haifa أيمن إغبارية 74.
Muhammad Abu Samra The David Yellin Academic College of Education محمد أبو سمرة 75.
Areej Mawasi Technion أري ج مواس 76.
Nisreen Morqus Oranim College of Education نرسين مرقس 77.
Sylvia Saba-Sadi Gordon College of Education سيلفيا سابا-سعدي 78.
Ismael Abu-Saad Ben Gurion University of the Negev إسماعيل أبو سعد 79.
Wurud Jayusi Beit Berl College / Arab Academic Institute ورود جيوس 80.
Nihaya Wishahi Al-Qasemi Academic College of Education نهاية وشاح 81.
Khaled Abu-Asbe خالد أبو عصبة 82.
Raid Saabni The Academic College of Tel Aviv-Yaffo رائد صعابنة 83.
Asharf Brik Technion ف إبريقرأرس 84.
Norman Metanis The Hebrew University of Jerusalem نورمان إميل مطانس 85.
Riad Agbaria Ben Gurion University of the Negev رياضإغبارية 86.
Saleem Zaroubi University of Groningen ر سليم زارون 87.
Fatina Abreek-Zubiedat Tel Aviv University فاتنة إبريق-زبيدات 88.
Warda Sada Independent وردة سعدة 89.
Loab Hammoud Bar-Ilan University لؤاب حمود 90.
Ahmad Masarwa The Hebrew University of Jerusalem أحمد مصاروة 91.
Amal Rouhana-Toubi Braude – College of Engineering آمال روحانا-رطون 92.
Samir Hajj Oranim Academic College and Beit Berl College حاج ر سمب 93.
Areej Sabbagh-Khoury The Hebrew University of Jerusalem أري جصباغ-خوري 94.
Khaled Furani Tel Aviv University خالد فوران 95.
Banna Shoughry-Badarne The Hebrew University of Jerusalem بانة شغري-بدارنة 96.
Yaqub Hanna Weizmann Institute of Science يعقوب حنا 97.
Manal Shalabi Independent ر منال شلن 98.
Nicole Khayat The Hebrew University of Jerusalem نيكول خيّاط 99.

We are all Palestinian: Music Video by Mistahi

contributors — Wed, 13 Mar 2024 04:02:49 +0000

Ann Arbor (Informed Comment) –

Mistahi: “We are all Palestinian”

Mistahi was born and raised in Saskatoon, Canada as part of a poor neighbourhood. He was exposed to common problems that are familiar to most in the working class. Everyday he walked by a homeless shelter to attend elementary school. By the time he made it to high school drugs and alcohol were all around and a problem for the youth. The poverty of First Nations peoples and the rampant abuse by the police left an indelible mark on his consciousness. The police murdered one of his classmates by dropping him off on the outskirts of town on a cold winter’s night, a practice known as “a starlight tour.” Mistahi moved to Winnipeg when he was 17 years old and quickly joined the youth and student movement as a senior in high school. Swept up by actions around the demand “education is a right,” he and many youth gained firsthand knowledge and experience on how to stand up for themselves together as an organized force.In his early 20s, Mistahi attended Algonquin College to become a licensed carpenter and has since worked in construction.

As Gaza is obliterated, Scholars and Academics need to Speak Up

contributors — Thu, 07 Mar 2024 05:04:08 +0000

Viewpoint: Educators have a responsibility to help guide ethical leadership. That’s why more than 4,000 of us are calling on Biden to demand a ceasefire.

BY Yasmin Saikia & Chad Haines

Nikolas Gannon/Unsplash

Yasmin Saikia and Chad Haines co-direct the Center of Muslim Experience in the U.S. at Arizona State University. They are signatories of an open letter to U.S. President Joe Biden, signed by over 4,000 scholars across leading American universities and colleges, calling for a ceasefire in Gaza.

( AnalystNews.org) – The conflict in Gaza is complicated. But it is not as convoluted as it has been made out to be. As academics, we firmly believe that the principles of peace studies can assist us in comprehending the situation in Gaza and enable us to fulfill our obligation as educators to promote peace while condemning violence.

It is not enough to teach peace in the classroom. We must strive to apply these principles in our lives and inspire others to do the same.

Earlier this month, on Feb. 17, Johan Galtung, the father of peace studies, died. His lasting legacy of defining structural discrimination, oppression and marginalization as forms of violence, and thus a lack of peace, provides a poignant window into understanding the current crisis in the Middle East and the role academics play as advocates for peace.

Theoretically, Galtung deepened our understanding of peace by differentiating between negative and positive peace. Negative peace is the cessation of violence or conflict resolution; positive peace takes a deeper and more historical perspective, seeing violence through structural inequalities and covert forms of oppression and marginalization and bringing an end to it.

Galtung’s emphasis on recognizing structural inequalities and covert forms of oppression informs us as U.S. university educators who signed an open letter calling for a ceasefire in Gaza — unlike the politicians, journalists and warmongers who believe that extreme violence and collective punishment of the Gazans is justified because of the horrific attack of Hamas against Israelis civilians on Oct. 7, 2023.

When our political leaders fail to act or even speak out against the injustices of the age, we believe it is the responsibility of scholars, writers, artists, and other civic, educational, and moral leaders to break the silence.

The people who do not want a ceasefire even now, after four months of relentless violence against the noncombatants of Gaza, are unmindful to the context of the decades-long imprisonment of Gaza by Israel; the long history of violent bombings and military incursions into Gaza by Israeli Defense Forces; the displacement of Palestinians since 1946 and their resettlement in camps in Gaza, the West Bank, and elsewhere in the region; or of Israel’s past support of Hamas to counter the influence of the Palestine Liberation Organization.

But one does not need that knowledge. All one needs to do is look at the media footage of Gaza after four months of continuous bombardment.

Look at the faces of the children killed, displaced, and orphaned. Look at the destruction of internationally defined safe spaces such as hospitals and their lack of medicine and equipment. Listen to the genocidal statements of Israel’s prime minister, president, military leaders and politicians. See for yourself what is happening in Gaza today.

Amid the ongoing violence in Gaza, academics are pleading with President Biden to call for a ceasefire. This is not a political act but a human response. The 30,000 people who have lost their lives, including women and children among the noncombatant victims, urge us to put aside divisiveness and prioritize human security. The thousands of American scholars and educators who have signed this petition are calling for justice, compassion and the protection of all lives, emphasizing the importance of preserving our shared humanity.

“When our political leaders fail to act or even speak out against the injustices of the age, we believe it is the responsibility of scholars, writers, artists, and other civic, educational, and moral leaders to break the silence,” a collective of U.S. scholars recently wrote in an open letter to President Biden.

“As academics, we place a premium on the advancement of just, peaceful, and collaborative resolutions to shared problems, based on credible evidence, critical inquiry, and social responsibility. We expect the same of our leaders.”

It is not enough to teach peace in the classroom. We must strive to apply these principles in our lives and inspire others to do the same.

President Biden recognizes the importance of teachers and their role in shaping future generations. He often pays tribute to his wife, Jill Biden, a longtime professor and teacher with a doctoral degree in education. Teachers, he knows, are advocates for learning about diversity, justice and empathy. Platforms for dialogue between teachers and policymakers are crucial to ensuring decisions align with principles of peace, justice and human rights.

The plea for a ceasefire is not an overstep for us as academics and educators; it is a manifestation of our responsibility to guide leaders toward empathy, understanding and peace. Our advocacy for a ceasefire is not a deviation from our role as educators; it is a commitment to shaping minds that prioritize dialogue over violence and compassion over conflict.

These educators’ call for a ceasefire in Gaza aligns with our duty to instill compassion and ethical citizenship in the United States and globally. Johan Galtung’s call for positive peace can become a lived experience if we make a commitment to the ceasefire that will benefit humanity globally.

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Yasmin Saikia and Chad Haines co-direct the Center of Muslim Experience in the U.S. at Arizona State University.

Yasmin Saikia is the Hardt-Nickachos Chair in Peace Studies at the Center for the Study of Religion and Conflict and co-director of the Center of Muslim Experience in the U.S. at Arizona State University. She is a professor of history in its School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies.

Chad Haines is an associate professor of religious studies, a senior global futures scholar and co-director of the Center of Muslim Experience in the U.S. at Arizona State University.

Reprinted with the authors’ permission from AnalystNews.org.

Why Defining Criticism of Israeli Policies as “antisemitism” Harms Campus Freedom of Speech (BRISMES)

contributors — Thu, 14 Sep 2023 04:02:11 +0000

Statement of the British Society for Middle East Studies and the European Legal Support Center on the IHRA Definition of antisemitism as a challenge to free speech in Universities.

IC is reprinting the opening paragraphs of Freedom of Speech and Academic Freedom in UK Higher Education: The Adverse Impact of the IHRA Definition of Antisemitism

We are committed to the struggle against antisemitism and all forms of racism. Antisemitism exists within UK society and incidents of anti-Jewish prejudice occur in higher education institutions, just as in other institutional contexts. Antisemitism must be addressed, and institutions should seek to prevent it.

However, universities must do so in a way that does not discriminate directly or indirectly against others or undermine academic freedom and freedom of speech.

This report demonstrates that accusations of antisemitism levelled against students and staff in UK universities are often based on a definition of antisemitism that is not fit for purpose and, in practice, is undercutting academic freedom and the rights to lawful speech of students and staff, and causing harm to the reputations and careers of those accused.

This report was produced by the European Legal Support Center (ELSC) and the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (BRISMES), Europe’s leading scholarly association concerned with the study of the Middle East and North Africa. The report is based on an analysis of 40 cases that were reported to the ELSC and in which UK university staff and/or students were accused of antisemitism on the basis of the ‘IHRA working definition of antisemitism’ (‘IHRA definition’), between 2017 and 2022. In all instances, except for two ongoing cases, the accusations of antisemitism were rejected. The final two have yet to be substantiated. On the basis of these findings, this report recommends against the adoption and use of the IHRA definition in a higher education setting. However it is beyond the remit of the report to suggest alternative definitions while the Human Rights Act of 1998 and the 2010 Equality Act provide the necessary legal tools to combat antisemitism and hate speech more generally.

In 2016, the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) adopted a ‘working definition of antisemitism’, to which was appended a list of illustrative examples. Several of the examples conflate criticisms of Israel, its illegal policies, practices and the political ideology on which the state was founded, with antisemitism. These examples contradict the IHRA definition itself and reflect positions advanced by advocates of Israeli policies towards Palestinians.

The definition and illustrative examples have been invoked in many contexts in the UK. This report shows that since its adoption by UK higher education institutions, the IHRA definition has been used in ways that delegitimise points of view critical of Israel and/or in support of Palestinian rights, in violation of academic freedom and freedom of speech. It is noteworthy that the UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, E. Tendayi Achiume, has warned against the use of the definition ‘owing to its susceptibility to being politically instrumentalised and the harm done to human rights resulting from such instrumentalization.’

There is widespread agreement among scholars and legal experts (including the lead drafter of the IHRA definition, Kenneth Stern)3 that the IHRA definition is not appropriate for university settings where critical thought and free debate are paramount. Nevertheless, in 2020, the then Secretary of State for Education threatened university leaders with punitive financial consequences if their institutions did not adopt the IHRA definition.4 As a result, 119 universities (almost 75% of UK universities) have adopted some version of the definition as a basis for campus policies.5

Contrary to what many institutions seem to believe, it is simply not possible to use the IHRA definition to determine whether or not an individual incident or statement is antisemitic, whilst simultaneously protecting freedom of speech and academic freedom and preventing discrimination. To attempt to do so inevitably leads to damaging and iniquitous consequences for staff and students. 5 This report highlights four major consequences of the IHRA definition’s adoption:

Key findings

1. Advocates of Palestinian human rights, critics of the Israeli state and its policies and those researching and teaching about the history of and current situation in Israel-Palestine have been targeted with false accusations of antisemitism.

2. University staff and students are being subjected to unreasonable investigations and disciplinary proceedings based on the IHRA definition. These proceedings have harmed the wellbeing of the staff and students subjected to false allegations of antisemitism. Those falsely accused have felt their reputations to have been sullied, and they are anxious about possible damage caused to their education and careers.

3. The complaints have had an adverse effect on academic freedom and freedom of speech on campuses, leading, in some cases, to the cancellation of events or the imposition of spurious conditions on the format of events.

4. From testimonies received, it is clear that these cases are creating a chilling effect among staff and students, deterring individuals from speaking about or organising events that discuss Palestinian human rights and Palestinian self-determination out of fear that they will be subject to complaints, or else will face considerable bureaucratic hurdles and even costly legal action in order to allow events to take place. Academics employed on temporary contracts (who constitute a significant proportion of university teaching staff), as well as students, are particularly susceptible to self-censorship out of fear that any sort of accusations, even if not upheld, could jeopardise their future ability to obtain permanent employment.

Hence, overall, we conclude that the adoption and deployment of the IHRA definition in UK universities has already dealt a blow to academic freedom and freedom of speech. This not only threatens the ability of higher education institutions to meet their legal obligations in this regard, but is also preventing students from engaging in nuanced discussions about the Middle East, global politics, and the question of Palestine, which are also necessary as part of efforts to combat antisemitism.

Introduction

The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) is an intergovernmental body whose stated purpose is ‘to strengthen, advance and promote Holocaust education, research and remembrance’. The IHRA definition is intended by its authors to be a practical educational tool that help ‘raise awareness of key issues’. It defines antisemitism as:

“a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.”

Advocates of the definition argue that its adoption is necessary to combat antisemitism in UK universities and assert that the definition ensures the safety and security of Jewish students and staff.7 Further, they argue that as it is framed as ‘non- legally binding’ it will not impinge on freedom of speech, academic freedom or anti-discrimination law. Yet, there are repeated concerns raised by academics, activists and legal experts that the IHRA definition is suppressing lawful speech on Palestinian human rights and criticisms of the Israeli state. There are seven references to Israel in the illustrative examples accompanying the definition. Several of these examples effectively conflate criticism of Israel and Zionism with racism and discrimination directed at Jews, for example, ‘Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor’. This example not only erroneously essentialises Jewish self-determination as indistinguishable from the State of Israel (a historically-contingent position particular to Zionist ideology) but also delegitimises Palestinian claims to self-determination and opposition to Israel’s discriminatory policies against Palestinians as antisemitism. Most worryingly, it suppresses documented evidence of Israeli crimes against Palestinians.

The promotion of the IHRA definition in UK universities and its use in complaints against staff and students is part of a wider context and history of false accusations of antisemitism being levelled against those concerned with Israel’s human rights violations. In 2022, after publishing its report entitled Israel’s Apartheid Against Palestinians: Cruel System of Domination and Crime Against Humanity, Amnesty International was accused of deploying ‘antisemitic tropes’.8 In 2019, Tower Hamlets council refused permission for the Big Ride for Palestine, a charity event in aid of Palestinian 7 children, because of fears that it could breach the IHRA definition.9 As such, this reconceptualisation of antisemitism serves to erase Palestinian existence and narratives and shield the rights-abusive policies of the State of Israel – and the structural basis for these actions – from criticism. It further prevents Palestinians from speaking about their oppression and silencing support for Palestinian rights.

According to a recent report produced by the Taskforce on Antisemitism in Higher Education (established by the UK Government’s Independent Adviser on Antisemitism, Lord Mann), that questioned 56 universities across the UK about their experience of using the IHRA definition:

None knew of or could provide a single example in which the IHRA definition had in any ways restricted freedom of speech or academic research, or where its adoption had chilled academic freedom, research or freedom of expression. All these 56 institutions were using the definition and were seen to be listening to the Jewish community about how it experiences antisemitism.

Yet, the 40 incidents examined in this study contradict the above claims and raise serious questions about the findings of the Taskforce on Antisemitism in Higher Education. This report confirms the views of recognised experts on antisemitism, Jewish history and related subjects that the IHRA definition is unsuitable for universities.12 Scholars have expressed concern that research and teaching on Israel and Palestine has become increasingly difficult because of the IHRA definition’s widespread adoption.13 The case studies analysed in this report demonstrate that the imposition of the IHRA definition, in its varied forms in UK higher education institutions (regardless of the caveats included in some universities’ policies), stifles free speech within the law in relation to teaching, research and discussion of Israeli government policies, the nature of the formation of the Israeli state, and the nature of Zionism as an ideology and movement. It has served to unfairly damage the reputation and careers of staff and students who speak about the violations of Palestinian human rights and crimes committed by Israel. Most egregiously, it erases the experiences of the Palestinian people, hides from public view documented evidence of the crimes committed against them and thereby prevents universities, staff and students from contributing to informed public debate on the matter.

Read the whole report .

Thom Hartmann’s “The Hidden History of American Democracy: Rediscovering Humanity’s Ancient Way of Living”

contributors — Thu, 27 Jul 2023 04:02:58 +0000

Thom Hartman interviewed on
The Mark Thompson Show: “The Hidden History of American Democracy: Rediscovering Humanity’s Ancient Way of Living”

Thom Hartmann is the host of the Thom Hartmann Show on Youtube.

His new book:

Thom Hartmann, The Hidden History of American Democracy: Rediscovering Humanity’s Ancient Way of Living. Click here.

America’s most popular progressive radio host and New York Times bestselling author Thom Hartmann paves the way to saving our democracy.

In this powerful, sweeping history and analysis of American democracy, Thom Hartmann shows how democracy is the one form of governance most likely to produce peace and happiness among people.

With the violent exception of the Civil War, American democracy resisted the pressure to disintegrate into factionalism for nearly two centuries, and now our very system of democratic elections is at stake. So how do we save our democracy?

Hartmann’s newest book in the celebrated Hidden History Series offers a clear call to action and a set of solutions with road maps for individuals and communities to follow to create a safer, more just society and a more equitable and prosperous economy.”

Department of History, University of Michigan, Delays Grade Posting until May 12th in Support of Striking Grads

contributors — Tue, 25 Apr 2023 04:04:52 +0000

Monday, April 24, 2023

To the University President, Provost, and Administration:

We are deeply troubled by reports that the administration intends to punish faculty, staff, and department chairs who refuse to assign grades for work that they have not personally assessed. We find these actions to be an infringement on faculty autonomy, and we reject the threats and warnings of the administration as unethical and antithetical to our mission as educators. We reiterate SACUA’s statement that “assessment of student work is the prerogative of the instructor, and demands thoughtful and holistic evaluation of student performances.”

Photo by Ardalan on Unsplash

In light of the administration’s pressure to implicate faculty in breaking GEO’s strike and to perform uncompensated labor, History department faculty have made a collective decision to withhold our grades as a form of protest until May 12th. On that day, we will collectively reconsider our stance. We urge the administration to cease its threats to faculty and to present an equitable offer to GEO in collective bargaining immediately.

Signed,
Members of the History Department

Ecospirituality: Spiritual connection with Nature transcends Politics, Religion

contributors — Wed, 19 Apr 2023 04:02:40 +0000

University of British Columbia News

Have you ever felt awestruck by a towering evergreen, waves crashing against rocks, or the vastness of a desert canyon?

You’re not alone. Across time and cultures, humans have felt a spiritual connection with nature.

New UBC research gives this connection a name—ecospirituality—and reveals it could help reduce polarization on environmental issues that threaten the planet.

Measuring ecospirituality

The researchers from UBC and Oxford Brookes University developed the world’s first questionnaire to measure ecospirituality.

They asked participants to indicate their level of agreement with eight statements, such as “I feel intense wonder toward nature,” or “There is a spiritual connection between human beings and the natural environment.”

A survey of more than 6,000 people in Canada, the U.S. and Singapore showed that ecospirituality doesn’t depend on political or religious orientation. Even atheists, who usually score low on spirituality measures, scored above the midpoint for ecospirituality.

Photo by David Marcu on Unsplash.

Conservatives were approximately as ecospiritual as liberals. The researchers say this deserves further investigation, because ecospiritual people were also found to have more concern for the environment. Ecospirituality could be a pathway to better care for the environment regardless of one’s politics.

How can ecospirituality reduce division?

Matthew Billet

“If you have family or friends with different political views about environmental issues, try finding common ground by talking about the ways in which nature is sacred, awe-inspiring, and a place for spiritual refuge,” suggested the study’s first author Matthew Billet, who is pursuing a doctorate in social psychology at UBC.

Whether it be at the personal or policy level, this research shows the potential for shared ecospiritual beliefs and experiences to smooth difficult conversations between people of different religious and political orientations.

Journalists may request an interview with a member of the research team by emailing Erik Rolfsen at erik.rolfsen@ubc.ca.

How Israel’s Protests actually Assist Israeli State Propaganda

contributors — Thu, 13 Apr 2023 04:02:55 +0000

by Yoav Litvin

( Counterpunch) – Benjamin Netanyahu, in collaboration with Kahanist Itamar Ben-Gvir and a cohort of other fascists, has been executing a judicial coup which guts so-called Israeli democratic institutions and threatens liberal reforms.

Many Israelis are infuriated. They’ve always viewed Israel as either part of Europe or the United States’ 51st state. “The only democracy in the Middle East”, a “villa in the jungle” with its fancy boutiques, exquisite espresso bars, glitzy shopping malls, wild/sexy nightlife and world-class wineries and restaurants. Most liberal Zionists see themselves closer to “civilized” white Christian Europeans rather than their “primitive” Brown Muslim Arab neighbors.

Liberal Zionism promotes the notion of a left-to-right spectrum within Israel. Yet the differences between the extremes are merely tactical and cosmetic, maintaining an illusion of a humane society with a healthy democratic discourse. “Left-wing” and “Liberal” Zionist parties engage in civil liberties for members of the privileged class yet dare not address the nature of Zionism, whose adherents have terrorized Indigenous Palestinians for over seven decades.

For liberal Zionists, without LGBTQ rights and buses on Saturday, Israel would simply become another Middle Eastern theocracy in which women are rendered inferior and prayer is mandatory in schools. In contrast, they see themselves as trailblazing feminists who believe women should have every right men have, like the right to enlist into military combat units and kill Palestinians. And what about Palestinians, you ask? It’s complicated, they respond.

Photo by Latrach Med Jamil on Unsplash

The “Pogrom” and B’Tselem

As with every fledgling Israeli regime, the current government seeks to market itself to the Israeli public, distracting from its own corruptions and inadequacies by massacring Palestinians and stealing their resources. However, in contrast to recent administrations, Netanyahu and his cabal now unapologetically incite vigilante and mass civilian settler violence in addition to advocating for military incursions, mass arrests, bombings of innocent civilians, sieges and assassinations.

On the night of February 26-27, supposedly in response to the shooting of two Israeli settlers, hundreds of settlers rampaged through the Palestinian town of Huwara, near Nablus in the occupied West Bank, killing, torching and wounding.

Israeli liberal society was outraged. Hagai El-Ad, Executive Director of B’Tselem, the Israeli Human Rights Organization said in response:

“As a Jewish person, we know what a pogrom is. Because Jews have been on the receiving end of pogroms for too many years. Now, after what happened here on Sunday night, there are hundreds of Jewish settlers that know what a pogrom is not from the side of suffering under it but from the side that has committed that atrocity.”

By comparing the events in Huwara to a “pogrom”, a word closely linked to massacres of Jewish people in Russia or eastern Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, El-Ad continues B’Tselem’s unfortunate framing of Zionism as a Jewish project enforcing “Jewish supremacy”, rather than the correct identification of genocidal western settler colonialism and white supremacy.

It is common practice for Zionist propagandists to promote the anti-Semitic fallacy that Israel is a Jewish state which represents Judaism and thus all Jews. Spearheaded by Netanyahu in 2018, Israel’s The Nation State of the Jewish People law enshrines this canard as an addition to Israel’s Basic Laws, which operate as a stand-in for a non-existent Constitution, pursuant to Israel having never declared its borders thus enabling continuous theft of Palestinian land. The fallacy serves as the cornerstone of Zionist propaganda (aka Hasbara), galvanizing support for Israel’s settler colonialism and attack of anti-colonial resistance.

Clearly, Zionists would much rather engage with accusations of carrying out a “pogrom” than a “white supremacist settler rampage”, ironically despite the obvious white supremacist nature of the former. Deploying its police, military and settler brownshirts, Israel has always been engaged in settler violence aimed at expansionism and resource acquisition. In fact, Zionism is a racist and settler colonialist movement, which opportunistically coopts aspects of Judaism in an attempt to justify its criminal practices against the Palestinian people. Zionism is based on a distinctly secular outlook, which embraces aggression and expansion as an acceptable response to trauma and denounces the traditional Jewish pacifist approach of viewing hardship as divine punishment for sins. Zionist strategists manipulate the past traumas Jews have endured to gain support for aggressive criminal policies that disenfranchise and evict Palestinians.

Unfortunately, El-Ad’s comments are in line with this Zionist tradition. However, the framing of Zionism as “white”, not “Jewish” enables and strengthens the formation of coalitions between all those opposed to settler colonialism and white supremacy and hinders Zionist attempts at sabotage by hurling cynical accusations of “anti-Semitism”.

The Israeli Flag and Zionist Propaganda

The ultimate propaganda goal of any nationalistic apparatus is to fuse the perception of “self” with that of “nation” into a cohesive identity that is loyal to the ruling class. Indeed, one symbol has reemerged in nearly every image and video from these liberal Zionist protests throughout Israel and the West Bank – the Israeli flag. These protests have become a nationalistic chest-beating contest in which protesters compete with Israeli police, and politicians – Netanyahu and his fascistic brethren – over loyalty to Israel and Zionism. Hence, it’s clear these protests are no real threat to the apartheid regime. Yet, they could pose a threat to Netanyahu’s solidification of the Nation-State law within the Basic Laws as he seeks to extinguish the power of courts to change or remove it, along with protecting him from corruption charges.

Meanwhile, millions of Indigenous Palestinians in Israel, the Occupied Territories and diaspora are excluded from this reactionary discourse. For them, the Israeli flag represents their catastrophe and can never symbolize justice.

Indeed, Zionist propagandists have recognized the immense propaganda potential in these protests. They can claim Zionism is indisputable within Israel, and is fundamentally liberal, even democratic, as it supposedly allows a range of opinions and tolerates opposition.

Not only have these protests failed to threaten the Israeli regime, Netanyahu and his government have unapologetically and confidently deployed police tactics against protesters normally reserved for Palestinians and occasionally ultra-orthodox Jews. These tactics, including flash grenades and skunk water are small potatoes for Palestinians who are murdered every day by Israeli occupation forces, including women, children, elderly folk and members of the press.

Further, amidst worldwide condemnations, including within Israel’s political spectrum, some Israeli politicians have maintained their emboldened inflammatory rhetoric. Betzalel Smotrich, Israel’s finance minister with sweeping civilian powers in the West Bank said the town of Huwara “should be erased”, yet not by civilians, but by the military.

Alternative Protest

The horrific oppression and dispossession of the Palestinian people will not cease as a result of actions by the Israeli/Zionist public unless Palestinian demands for justice are supported first and foremost. As with the 2011 social justice protests, these recent demonstrations reflect discontent from a class of Israeli society afraid to lose certain privileges. Inevitably, Palestinians will continue to suffer apartheid and genocide until the international community intervenes.

By contrast, the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement has wisely adopted a strict anti-Zionist, anti-racist platform grounded in human rights. Built on clear understanding of oppressive systems, intersectional resistance and the path to liberation, BDS incorporates lessons of past anti-colonial movements, dismantling fictitious, divisive political narratives of white supremacy, imperialism, racism and patriarchy. The recognition that various oppressed peoples have common enemies serves to reinforce solidarity and cooperation between them, enhancing the growth and success of principled grassroots movements worldwide.

Yoav Litvin is a Doctor of Psychology/ Behavioral Neuroscience. For more info, please visit yoavlitvin.com/about/

Mirrored with the author’s permission from Counterpunch.