Bush and Rockefeller
Two controversies are swirling. One regards President Bush's address to the nation on the anniversary of September 11, which Democrats say was too nakedly political for that solemn occasion.
The other concerns remarks by Jay Rockefeller that seemed to say it would have been better to leave Saddam in power.
With regard to the second controversy, I have a suggestion for war opponents in this debate. It is to make war the issue. The question is not whether the Saddam regime should have been neutralized. The question is the best method to achieve that goal without destabilizing the Middle East. War was clearly a mistake. It was too blunt an instrument, and it sent Iraq into shock, making the United States inevitably less secure since as an oil-dependent superpower it is negatively affected by instability in the Persian Gulf.
Should Saddam have been defanged and if possible removed? Yes. But it is now obvious that he had been defanged. The weapons inspection regime and the sanctions had destroyed his weapons' programs and thrown the Iraqi economy down to fourth world status. In fact, it is clear in retrospect that the economic sanctions were too stringent (even after the ban on chlorine was lifted, allowing water purification). Saddam was being attacked, constrained, and ever increasingly diminished as a threat, by sanctions and inspections, which needed to be extended and turned into smart sanctions.
War as a tactic was the wrong tactic for Iraq. It is not that any of us in retrospect wish Saddam had not been overthrown. It is a fool's errand to compare Iraq in 2002 and Iraq now. The question is war. War was not the answer. It has not produced stability or security.
As for Bush, his speech was in fact a shameless appropriation of the tragedy of September 11 for partisan political purposes. But what was really strange was the key contradiction it contained. He maintained that the Iraq War had made Americans more secure. But then he said that if they lose the battle in Iraq, "the terrorists" will come after them.
But we never had a beef with the people of Ramadi, ever in our history. If Bush is saying that he has induced a feud between the US and the people of Ramadi so vicious that if we don't spend the rest of the century keeping that city behind barbed wire, they will find a way to blow up something on the US mainland-- if that is what he is saying, then the only logical conclusion is that by invading Iraq, Bush has made us less secure and has created enemies for us where none existed before.
But in fact, the US in the Sunni Arab heartland of Iraq is not fighting "terrorists" mostly. Bush has started to believe his own propaganda. The US is fighting Iraqi nationalists and nativists, secular, tribal or religious. If the Iraqi Sunni nationalists could take over their own territory, they would not put up with the few hundred foreign volunteers blowing things up, and would send them away or slit their throats.
This is Washington's classical Vietnam error. They thought they were fighting international communism in Vietnam, when they were actually fighting Vietnamese nationalists with a leftist cast. Not so long after the end of the war, the Vietnamese were fighting with Communist China. That makes no sense if they were international communists. It makes perfect sense if they were nationalists.
Just as there was no grand global domino effect from our losing the Vietnam War, so there would be no grand terror effect if we left Ramadi. We left Saudi Arabia, which some might see as an enormous concession to al-Qaeda, and nothing bad happened to us. Al-Qaeda cannot control Sunni Iraq because there are too many Iraqi claimants on power and authority, whether Sunni or other. Nor would Turkey and Jordan put up with an al-Qaeda state on their borders, and both have proved that they can intervene effectively if they want to.
Ramadi is not going to follow the US troops back to Ft. Bragg if they leave. Ramadi will celebrate and then go about its business.
As for al-Qaeda, we cannot make policy on the basis of what it thinks of us. Al-Qaeda is stalking America. It is tiny and disrupted, but still dangerous. But an American withdrawal from Iraq would not change a key fact: Al-Qaeda wants to hit us, whether we are in Iraq or not. On the other hand, our being in Iraq is enraging the Muslim world and making it easier for al-Qaeda to recruit and plot against us. If we leave, all that will immediately settle down. When the French left Algeria in 1962, within a year the Franco-Algerian struggle was completely gone from the newspapers of both countries. The French Right kept saying that France could not leave Algeria. But it could, and did, and everything was all right. It will be all right if we get our ground troops out of Ramadi. They aren't winning there, and the occupation is causing more trouble than it is worth. As for who takes over Ramadi when we leave, well, the Iraqis can work that out among themselves. We don't care who runs Rangoon. Why should we care who runs Ramadi?

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7 Comments:
Dr. Cole provides excellent analysis of the true conditions affecting the Sunni insurgency--that it's overwhelmingly nationalistic, tribal, and sectarian, and not global Islamist. While the President harps on the "fight them over there" dogma, withdrawal would actually either (1) enhance security of Baghdad by permitting redeployment, or, even better (2) a full, timed withdrawal from Iraq would enhance our broader fight with AQ by permitting redeployment in Afghanistan and other areas where AQ is actually operating to attack the US (as opposed to Iraq, where AQ in Meso is really just carrying out a nihilistic and futile campaign against the US military and also a much deadlier internal conflict for control against Shia and secular Arabs and probably other Sunni groups).
I don't think Prof. Cole is entirely correct regarding the "domino theory" in SE Asia, Cambodia and Laos fell to Communist insurgencies after all. But it was more probably because of the instability created by the US war in Vietnam, not a regional effort by the Vietnamese to "export" their version of communism (which was national)--except to the extent that the Vietnamese would have used Cambodia as a tactical base for their fight in Vietnam. We see a replication of the dangers created by instability from war today in the ME. In that sense, there is also a parallel to Vietnam. Resolution of the conflict would likely permit a recalibration to stability that would work to the deteriment of AQ (just as Vietnam's return to stability eventually worked to the detriment of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, for example).
The analogy to France and Algeria is an interesting point. However, it was not the French left that obtained that withdrawal, but DeGaulle, a man, generally speaking (no pun intended), of the Right. Do we similarly have a man of the Right who could effect disengagement from Iraq? Hagel, perhaps, but none other of prominence has indicated any desire to do so (and Hagel may not be willing to go that far even if he attained the office).
Ok, lets' say that the US does not care who runs Ramadi. Is there any reason for the US forces to stay in Iraq? It seems that the Shiite-dominated government is not ready to set a timetable for US withdrawal even though there are obvious problems to the continuing occupation. So, is there a useful role for the US to play in the resolution of the conflicts that are now plaguing Iraq or is this really an Iraqi thing to resolve?
I have been reading your blog for some time and I am really not sure where you stand on something that I consider to be a basic issue.
Thanks.
P.S. Your blog is a national treasure.
"Just as there was no grand global domino effect from our losing the Vietnam War, so there would be no grand terror effect if we left Ramadi."
oh yes there will be - and we fully deserve the "blowback" that we worked so hard to inspire. It will happen no matter when we "leave" (which Bush will never allow to happen, by the way, which is why we need to impeach him).
Iraq is not like Vietnam, and the 1960s and 1970s are not like the 21st century.
There will be repercussions, you can count on it. I don't know what form they will take, but they will happen.
Of that, I am certain.
Just like I was certain that no nuclear WMDs would be found in Iraq and that this war would go badly. I am also certain we lost this war in August 2003.
Maybe they will be non-violent repercussions (like sanctions and isolation or embargo of oil), but more likely they will be violent repercussions.
Should Saddam have been defanged and if possible removed? Yes. But it is now obvious that he had been defanged.
Damn straight! And the UN deserves cridit for that if nothing else.
Oh, but what about those overly-harsh sanctions?!?! Well, who was championing those sanctions - the same people who later championed the war. And who was breaking those sanctions? The same people who later championed the war.
Saddam should have been removed by the UN, and the best way to bring him to justice would have been through the International Criminal Court. If the USA supported the ICC and the UN, instead of trying to minimize, ridicule and de-fang them, Americans might just find a solution to the world's evil dictators falling into place.
But where would Bush go to hide?
Juan's comment fits nicely into the mosaic of an essay by Anatol Lieven and John Huisman The Folly of Exporting Democracy
In the Muslim world, both spreading democracy and attracting support for U.S. policies will be possible only if enough Muslims think that this is not only in their personal interest, but also in their patriotic interest. Preaching democracy and freedom at them is useless if they associate the adoption of Western-style democracy with national humiliation and the sacrifice of vital national interests.
The problem is that this democratist thinking is borne of an American culture that make it very difficult for many Americans to understand other peoples’ nationalisms. The tendency to conflate America, and American international interests, with righteousness can too easily lead to demonization of rival nations. This is especially true where these nations are ruled by non-democratic systems that Americans instinctively see as illegitimate. Many of the subjects of those states may share this feeling. On the other hand, on foreign and security issues, those states may well enjoy the support of the great majority of their peoples—at least when it comes to a defense of national interests and an angry rejection of foreign pressure. So dismissing the views of other states because those states are not democratic can therefore easily become a dismissal of the views of their peoples too, even when these views are expressed by such Westernized and liberal figures as the journalists of Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya....
Too much of the democratist ideology and its recommendations fail the test not just of study but of common sense, as well. Too many American democratists base their whole approach to the world on the assumption that they know how best to run countries of which they know nothing, whose languages they don’t speak and which, quite often, they have never even visited! Would you hire a junior marketing executive with these credentials? For our part, we know perfectly well that we could not sell two plates of bean shoots in China or two sticks of kebab in Iran. We suspect, however, that most of those advocating democratism in these countries could not sell even half a plate.
And that last quoted, concluding paragraph resonates with Sid Blumenthal's review of former Washington Post Baghdad correspondent Ragiv Chandrasekaran's new book on the Bush CPA's disastrous adventure in nation-building.
In my view whatever happens in Iraq should we leave will not be relevant to "Middle East Peace and Democracy" because the leaders of the Arab states will find nothing in in the post Saddam era worth emulating. And I doubt that the stifled populations in these countries will see Iraq as a model for transformation (though Thomas Friedamn might).
The only country in the Middle East that has the inherent power to change the Middle East landscape is Israel. If, magnanomously, it gave the Palastinians a geographically viable state, as seen by the Palestinians, gave Syria back the Golan Heights, left the "Farms", and maybe declared it a long term objective to become a secular state, then I think there would be "Middle East Peace".
Of course, Israel, with all its military power, wealth, and sophistication, is currently incapable of even coceiving of such actions. It is shoulder to shoulder with the US which also seems incapable of conceiving of these actions. To do such things requires political courage way beyond the capacity of the leadership of either country. Little Sparta, Big Sparta, and 24/365/21st-century anti terrorism warfare.
What the world needs now is an Israeli Gorbachev (and an American president that is not a war lover).
While the U.S. are (orderly) leaving Iraq, it's America's responsibility to care for Sunnis in Shiite-dominated towns, for Shiites in Sunni-dominated towns, and also for Turkmens and Assyrians, who all may be in danger of expulsion and genocide.
If America doesn't live up to this responsibility, their blood will become yet another stain on her honor.
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